May 22, 1968

Can Nixon Win?

Now, there's an open-end question if ever I saw one.

I address myself to it this week at the request of two good friends — Bill Davis who still wears an eight-year old Nixon button, and Congressman John Ashbrook who bucked his own party in the recent primary just to give the former vice-president a toe hold in Ohio.

It is presumptuous, of course, for anyone to prognosticate politically.  Unpredictable events set up or destroy issues.  Personal pressures sway candidates.  Emotional reactions alter public opinion.  But on such presumptions do columnists thrive, so why not me?

If we can leave the corollary question "Is he the best man?" until a week or so before the Republican convention in August, my present opinion of the main query is a certain "Yes!"

Bill and John have never wavered from this conclusion, but they are bothered by the persistent notion planted by liberal commentators that "Nixon is a loser."

It is somewhat strange that the recent belief, "once a loser always a loser" has taken on the aura of a law of nature.  Abraham Lincoln lost a race for Congress but went on to immortality.  Winston Churchill had been tossed out of office several times before he became the greatest prime minister of England.

If we were to deny public office to a loser, the halls of Congress would be decimated.  It is sad, but true, that candidates are sometimes defeated because they are ahead of their times, or too honest, or outspent by larger bankrolls.

To get up off the floor and come back swinging is the traditional American way.  It's about time, in my opinion, that Richard Nixon met this issue head on.  Rather than ignoring it in the hope the canard will fade away, Nixon should boast that he has the courage and determination to try again and again for high principle.

The whole premise of Nixon's defeat syndrome is founded rather shakily on two losses — against John F.  Kennedy in 1960 and against California Governor Pat Brown in 1962.  There are many Republicans who firmly believe the presidency was stolen from Nixon by fraudulent vote counting in Chicago.  It is a matter of record that six months after Kennedy took office, several Chicago election workers were convicted of ballot box rigging for Kennedy.

In any event, Nixon lost by less than one-half of one percent of the vote, To say he was less popular than Kennedy is to niggle the convictions of at least 34,108,546 Americans who cast their votes for Nixon.

Curiously, political analysts have overlooked Nixon's most valuable asset the bank of popular votes left over from his battle with John F.  Kennedy.  Most of those who voted for Nixon in 1960 will do so again, if for no other reason than to justify their original decision.

We humans hate to admit a mistake, and once having made an important commitment we tend to stick with it forever after.  It is quite likely, therefore, that Nixon would go into this year's presidential campaign with a 20-million vote running start over any other candidates now on the scene.

The second loss,-- to Gov.  Brown -- was decisive.  Nixon's home state was not ready to turn out an entrenched incumbent in a prosperous year.  While trying to breach this political stone wall, Nixon was handicapped by a hostile press.  There is no doubt among professional journalists that Nixon was the victim of slanted news stories.  I read many instances of it at the time.

Before his natural resentment at unfair treatment had cooled, Nixon complained publicly and vowed to quit politics.  To quit breathing would have been an easier promise to keep.

It is another rule of American politics that candidates should accept low blows as part of the game.  It was an indiscretion to cry foul after a no-holds-barred fight. Republicans should emphasize that Nixon won as a U.S.  Representative, won as a Senator and won twice as vice-president.

From the humbling experience of a thorough beating emerged a new Nixon.  All of us suffer setbacks in life and gain strength of character through them.  Apparently Nixon so benefited.

According to his speeches he still believes in individual freedom coupled with responsibility, in opportunity for those who strive, in a sound dollar, in world nations free of totalitarian restraints -- but with one new difference: he doesn't give a damn any longer if he is not out in front carrying the torch.

Therein lies the secret of Nixon's new personality.  His personal ambition is not evident.  Americans distrust men with strong desires for power.  Service above self is their first requirement of a good public servant.

Nixon can win this year because he's relaxed.  He's confident.  He's witty.  And, most of all, he's casually sincere.

Gone is the school room earnestness which gave him the air of teacher's pet.  Gone is his apparent awe of office which voters instinctively equated with fear.  Gone are the slight pauses in speech which seemed to indicate he was unsure of his conclusions.

The press has already responded favorably to Nixon's new image.  His speech last month at the National Press Club even inspired a couple of rave notices from blasé newsmen.  This is not to say metropolitan newspapers are ready to splash his picture and pronouncements on the front page as they do for Bobby Kennedy and Hubert Humphrey but a thousand percent improvement is considerable progress.

Television, which was a crucial factor in Nixon's 1960 defeat, ironically will be his salvation.  For better or worse, a presidential campaign has become primarily show business.  Nixon learned this the hard way, but undoubtedly he learned it well.  He is in there hoofing it with the stars.  His main problem now is to show himself to enough voters.  Television does this par excellence.

Given equal billing, Nixon's fortunes will hinge on the development of major events -- the Vietnam war, Negro rioting, inflation, the poor people's march, communist aggression.

At this writing, public opinion polls show either Nixon or Rockefeller would beat any Democrat.  This trend will encourage those Republicans who say, "I prefer Nixon, but ..."

If I read the mood of Americans correctly, a moderate approach to our perplexing problems is most appealing to a majority.  Nixon is firmly established as a moderate.

And, Bill and John, it still takes only a simple majority to win.

Author: Lindsey Williams