February 26, 1969

No Laurels For deGaulle

During a visit to France a couple of years ago, a Parisian told me a story of three medical men — a physician, a surgeon and a psychiatrist — who approached the gates of Heaven.

St.  Peter asked the first two men to get in line for routine processing, but he grabbed the psychiatrist and pulled him hurriedly through the Pearly Gates,

"Why is our friend receiving such preferred treatment," the physician and surgeon demanded indignantly of a Guardian Angel?

"Because we need his services badly," replied the Angel.  "The Almighty is suffering under the delusion he is Charles deGaulle."

As this is written, President Richard Nixon is preparing to genuflect to Le Grande Charles in the hope of flattering him into a good humor toward the U.S.  in particular and the North Atlantic Treaty Organization countries in general.

Fat chance.

DeGaulle's ego is second only to that of the late and unlamented Adolph Hitler.  It is strange how often the blowhards of history work their way to the top.

My Parisian friend twirled his forefinger around his ear and commented knowingly, "After World War II, deGaulle was good for France, but now -- a touch of old age."

The French joke about deGaulle's preoccupation with grandeur and picture him in their newspaper cartoons wearing a halo and walking on water.

The book stalls along the River Seine feature stories about deGaulle, many of them unflattering.  The sensation at the time of my visit was a book titled "No Laurels for deGaulle" by Robert Mengin, a French newspaper man.  It does a devastating job of separating Charlie's myth from facts.

The gist of Mengin's book is that deGaulle's answer to all problems is retreat.

DeGaulle's primary claim to fame is that he was the highest ranking military man to escape from France ahead of the onrushing Germans during World War II.  The British, alone with their backs to the wall, accepted the general as a symbol of a French government in exile.  It was helpful in those dark hours to establish a mood of only temporary setbacks.

Winston Churchill, the British prime minister, gave deGaulle recognition and a home - away - from - home.  However, Churchill could not conceal his contempt for the French who declared Paris an open city and surrendered meekly leaving the burden of resistance and bombed cities to the English.

According to Mengin, U.S. President Franklin Roosevelt urged Churchill in 1943 to reveal the contents of a secret file on the activities of General deGaulle.  Roosevelt contended that publication of some of the unfavorable episodes in deGaulle's career would cut him down to size.

Churchill, too, wanted to put the posturing deGaulle in place but did not want to offend his own Conservative Party or destroy the illusion of a potential ally on the continent.

Finally it was arranged that Roosevelt, would allude to a secret document about deGaulle and a resume of it circulated "confidentially."  It was expected that this gambit would provoke demands from the British House of Parliament for disclosure of the deGaulle dossier.

The ruse worked as planned.  Conservative Party members asked Churchill to publicly deny the existence of the unfavorable deGaulle papers.  However, the British leader took the floor to declare the memorandum was true but that he would give details only in secret session.

Backstage, those prosecuting the war howled.  Any denigration of deGaulle, they contended, would weaken the war effort.  Churchill yielded and kept his information to himself.

After the war, the memorandum was allowed to reach the public.  Essentially, it painted a picture of a self-centered and pompous military officer.  The most damaging assertion was that deGaulle, as a young lieutenant in World War II, had deserted his command under enemy fire.

DeGaulle never forgave Churchill and Roosevelt — nor the countries they represented.

Mengin points out that deGaulle retired during the Indochina fiasco which resulted in two Vietnams, and cost the U.S.  a half billion dollars in wasted arms aid.

DeGaulle returned after the surrender at Dien Bien Phu to sell out the French settlers in Algeria, gain some oil rights and leave Algeria a socialist tyranny kept alive by American food.

DeGaulle then began a flirtation with Russia coincidentally with the rise of the Chinese menace on Russia's Siberian border.  As long as China threatens Russia, says Mengin, the Russian threat in Europe becomes weaker.

The walkout from NATO, cornerstone of defense against Russia, was accompanied with outrageous discourtesy.  The United States quietly withdrew from France leaving deGaulle with millions of dollars worth of American-built bases.

DeGaulle has consistently vetoed Britain's attempts to join the European Common Market.  On the eve of President Nixon's visit to Europe, deGaulle took steps to scuttle the Common Market altogether in favor of a loose federation of France, Great Britain, Italy and West Germany.

Excluded from deGaulle's latest proposal is any cooperation with the United States or the smaller European nations such as Netherlands and Belgium.

There will be a great temptation by Nixon to write off France as a throwback to 18th century imperialism, and a weak sister in today's world.

However, France is a hard-working industrial nation essential to a stable Europe.  Nixon will do well to remember that deGaulle is old and the influences of few men extend beyond their graves.

Author: Lindsey Williams